The Pooler Elementary School PTA will host a 5K race and "fun run" on Saturday to raise money for new school playground equipment.
The fun run starts at
8:30 a.m. at Pooler Elementary School, and the competitive race starts at 9 a.m. The cost to register is $15 for children and $20 for adults. After the race, the PTA will host a "spring fling."
The International Education Office and the Hispanic Outreach and Leadership at Armstrong (HOLA) program will host Verónica Leyva in a lecture, "The Femicides of Ciudad Juarez and Community Resistance to Violence and Militarization" at 11:30 a.m., Tuesday, in the Student Union Ogeechee Theater.
The event is free and the public is invited.
The lecture looks at Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, a city that, faced with an unfathomable increase in violence and a hard-hitting economic crisis, is struggling to survive.
Leyva is a grass-roots organizer in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. She spent 10 years working in the maquiladora industry, and has been organizing in her community for 15 years conducting workshops on worker's and women's rights as well as participating in the struggle for justice for the victims of the femicides in Ciudad Juarez. She has worked with various organizations in civil society struggling to change the overall living conditions in her community.
Georgia Tech Savannah open house
Georgia Tech Savannah invites prospective students, parents, and the general public to attend an open house from 2-5 p.m. Saturday at the school, 210 Technology Circle,
Attendees will learn more about the Georgia Tech application process, take a guided tour of the campus, meet current students and professors and view live lab demonstrations. In addition, visitors can learn more about Georgia Tech Savannah's summer camp offerings for students in grades 4-12.
A variety of demonstrations will be performed, including one from a team of electrical and computer engineering students who built a paraplegic assisted driving system on a golf cart. Student organizations will be present to field questions and discuss student activities, internship and co-op experiences.
2011年3月31日 星期四
2011年3月30日 星期三
Key Libyan Rebel Leader Is Quick Diplomatic Study
The Libyan rebel courting U.S. support for the government-in-waiting launched his academic career by chronicling America's response to the 1969 coup by the man he now wants to depose: Col. Moammar Gadhafi.
Mahmoud Jibril, the 58-year-old de facto foreign minister for a rebel council based in the eastern Libyan city of Benghazi, has been a key player in drumming up international support for the opposition in recent weeks. He helped galvanize European backing for military aid, and has repeatedly met with U.S. diplomats, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
It is a task for which he should be well-suited: His 1985 doctoral dissertation, from the University of Pittsburgh, details the U.S. response to Col. Gadhafi's revolution. His work focused on how U.S. policy makers viewed and dealt with a new, unknown group of Libyan leaders with an uncertain agenda that threatened U.S. interests in the region.
The conclusion? U.S. views of Libya were overwhelmingly colored not so much by what the new Gadhafi regime actually did, but rather by how its rhetoric fit with America's shifting concerns, from Soviet expansion to the rise of international terrorism.
As long as Libya took a fiercely anti-Soviet line, it enjoyed a free hand to implement "radical oil policies" and foment revolutionary activity across Africa, he noted. But when Libya got too close to Moscow at a time of heightened Cold War hand-wringing, the Libyan regime was dubbed a tool of Soviet expansionism and a promoter of global terrorism.
"What really mattered to the Reagan administration was not Libya's activities per se (terrorism or not), but instead using Libya and its leaders as the battleground for attacking the main enemy, the USSR," he wrote in the dissertation, published as a book in 1988.
Understanding how to assuage America's core concerns could prove crucial today, when U.S. policy toward the region is still overwhelmingly colored by the twin worries of Iranian activities and the persistent threat of Islamist terrorism.
Mr. Jibril has been careful, both in his current role meeting with U.S. diplomats and in recent years while serving the Gadhafi government, to paint Libya as a country at odds with extremist Islam. The Gadhafi regime spent years fighting an Islamist terrorist group bent on overthrowing the regime, and Col. Gadhafi blames al Qaeda for the uprising against him.
The fear that al Qaeda and similar groups are taking advantage of the chaos and fighting to infiltrate the Libyan opposition has excited some quarters in Washington, though U.S. intelligence and military officials and diplomats stress that violent Islamists are playing, at most, a marginal role in the uprising.
Mr. Jibril is part of a triumvirate at the top of the Interim Transitional National Council, a 31-member group formed in Benghazi to act as Libya's government-in-waiting.
Other key members include Mustafa Abdul Jalil, Libya's former justice minister, who is essentially the opposition's prime minister, and Ali Al-Issawi, a former economy minister and ambassador to India, who is also helping with foreign affairs.
Mr. Jibril is well-known to the U.S. diplomats spearheading contacts with the still-mysterious opposition: U.S. ambassador to Libya Gene Cretz and the former deputy chief of mission in Tripoli, Chris Stevens. U.S. diplomats described Mr. Jibril in recent years as "smart, cosmopolitan, and one of the most strategic thinkers" inside Libya's elite, according to a document released by WikiLeaks, the antisecrecy Web site.
Mr. Jibril was reportedly offered the job of prime minister in the Gadhafi regime in late 2007, according to a cable released by WikiLeaks, not long after he was wooed back to the Libyan government by Saif el Islam Gadhafi, Col. Gadhafi's son, to try to modernize Libya's battered economy. U.S. diplomats reported that Mr. Jibril didn't want the job.
In meetings with U.S. officials between 2008 and 2010, Mr. Jibril sought U.S. investment in Libya, especially in technology, and called for stronger academic ties between the two countries.
He also painted a picture of Libya's potential appeal to the West that suggests how he might position post-Gadhafi Libya today: "Jibril's 'hunch' is that Libya will become 'more precious' in coming years by dint of its relatively virgin hydrocarbon resources, aversion to extremist iterations of Islam, and strategic proximity to Europe," U.S. diplomats reported in a 2008 cable released by WikiLeaks.
Resistance from regime hard-liners kneecapped his efforts to reform the Libyan economy, and he reportedly tried to resign as head of economic planning on several occasions before leaving in early 2010.
Bert Rockman, one of his political-science professors at the University of Pittsburgh, now at Purdue University, remembers his former research assistant as a "very bright guy, a very good student." Other former colleagues and professors uniformly describe him as a diligent and thoughtful student and devoted family man always thinking about modernization and lamenting Libya's stunted economy.
"I expected he'd be in the opposition," said Mr. Rockman, who kept ties to his former student while he worked for the Libyan government. "Mahmoud strikes me as an almost ideal kind of guy to have in this position."
Mahmoud Jibril, the 58-year-old de facto foreign minister for a rebel council based in the eastern Libyan city of Benghazi, has been a key player in drumming up international support for the opposition in recent weeks. He helped galvanize European backing for military aid, and has repeatedly met with U.S. diplomats, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
It is a task for which he should be well-suited: His 1985 doctoral dissertation, from the University of Pittsburgh, details the U.S. response to Col. Gadhafi's revolution. His work focused on how U.S. policy makers viewed and dealt with a new, unknown group of Libyan leaders with an uncertain agenda that threatened U.S. interests in the region.
The conclusion? U.S. views of Libya were overwhelmingly colored not so much by what the new Gadhafi regime actually did, but rather by how its rhetoric fit with America's shifting concerns, from Soviet expansion to the rise of international terrorism.
As long as Libya took a fiercely anti-Soviet line, it enjoyed a free hand to implement "radical oil policies" and foment revolutionary activity across Africa, he noted. But when Libya got too close to Moscow at a time of heightened Cold War hand-wringing, the Libyan regime was dubbed a tool of Soviet expansionism and a promoter of global terrorism.
"What really mattered to the Reagan administration was not Libya's activities per se (terrorism or not), but instead using Libya and its leaders as the battleground for attacking the main enemy, the USSR," he wrote in the dissertation, published as a book in 1988.
Understanding how to assuage America's core concerns could prove crucial today, when U.S. policy toward the region is still overwhelmingly colored by the twin worries of Iranian activities and the persistent threat of Islamist terrorism.
Mr. Jibril has been careful, both in his current role meeting with U.S. diplomats and in recent years while serving the Gadhafi government, to paint Libya as a country at odds with extremist Islam. The Gadhafi regime spent years fighting an Islamist terrorist group bent on overthrowing the regime, and Col. Gadhafi blames al Qaeda for the uprising against him.
The fear that al Qaeda and similar groups are taking advantage of the chaos and fighting to infiltrate the Libyan opposition has excited some quarters in Washington, though U.S. intelligence and military officials and diplomats stress that violent Islamists are playing, at most, a marginal role in the uprising.
Mr. Jibril is part of a triumvirate at the top of the Interim Transitional National Council, a 31-member group formed in Benghazi to act as Libya's government-in-waiting.
Other key members include Mustafa Abdul Jalil, Libya's former justice minister, who is essentially the opposition's prime minister, and Ali Al-Issawi, a former economy minister and ambassador to India, who is also helping with foreign affairs.
Mr. Jibril is well-known to the U.S. diplomats spearheading contacts with the still-mysterious opposition: U.S. ambassador to Libya Gene Cretz and the former deputy chief of mission in Tripoli, Chris Stevens. U.S. diplomats described Mr. Jibril in recent years as "smart, cosmopolitan, and one of the most strategic thinkers" inside Libya's elite, according to a document released by WikiLeaks, the antisecrecy Web site.
Mr. Jibril was reportedly offered the job of prime minister in the Gadhafi regime in late 2007, according to a cable released by WikiLeaks, not long after he was wooed back to the Libyan government by Saif el Islam Gadhafi, Col. Gadhafi's son, to try to modernize Libya's battered economy. U.S. diplomats reported that Mr. Jibril didn't want the job.
In meetings with U.S. officials between 2008 and 2010, Mr. Jibril sought U.S. investment in Libya, especially in technology, and called for stronger academic ties between the two countries.
He also painted a picture of Libya's potential appeal to the West that suggests how he might position post-Gadhafi Libya today: "Jibril's 'hunch' is that Libya will become 'more precious' in coming years by dint of its relatively virgin hydrocarbon resources, aversion to extremist iterations of Islam, and strategic proximity to Europe," U.S. diplomats reported in a 2008 cable released by WikiLeaks.
Resistance from regime hard-liners kneecapped his efforts to reform the Libyan economy, and he reportedly tried to resign as head of economic planning on several occasions before leaving in early 2010.
Bert Rockman, one of his political-science professors at the University of Pittsburgh, now at Purdue University, remembers his former research assistant as a "very bright guy, a very good student." Other former colleagues and professors uniformly describe him as a diligent and thoughtful student and devoted family man always thinking about modernization and lamenting Libya's stunted economy.
"I expected he'd be in the opposition," said Mr. Rockman, who kept ties to his former student while he worked for the Libyan government. "Mahmoud strikes me as an almost ideal kind of guy to have in this position."
2011年3月29日 星期二
Pensioner tied up and terrorised
AN ELDERLY man was assaulted, tied up and left shaken after an aggravated burglary at his home in Timahoe on Sunday night.
The shocking incident occurred at 9.45pm on Sunday 27 March when the man, who was in his 70s, answered a knock on his front door. Two men asked said their car had broken down and asked if they could use his telephone He told them he did not have a phone and the men left.
The homeowner went into his sitting room and gardaí say that just minute later his front door was kicked in by the same men. They "roughed him up a little bit" and started demanding money so he gave them a sum of money he had in his back pocket. However this wasn't enough for the culprits, who then tied the victim's arms and legs with cable ties and continued to demand money from him. They eventually left the scene without any more money. One man was carrying a hammer and the other had a knife.
The elderly man was able to free himself from the cable ties and went to a neighbour's house and raised the alarm. He was described as being "very shook up" following the frightening incident.
Gardaí are asking if there was anyone in the Timahoe, Donadea area between 9.30pm and 10.30pm on Sunday 27 March and saw any car.
The shocking incident occurred at 9.45pm on Sunday 27 March when the man, who was in his 70s, answered a knock on his front door. Two men asked said their car had broken down and asked if they could use his telephone He told them he did not have a phone and the men left.
The homeowner went into his sitting room and gardaí say that just minute later his front door was kicked in by the same men. They "roughed him up a little bit" and started demanding money so he gave them a sum of money he had in his back pocket. However this wasn't enough for the culprits, who then tied the victim's arms and legs with cable ties and continued to demand money from him. They eventually left the scene without any more money. One man was carrying a hammer and the other had a knife.
The elderly man was able to free himself from the cable ties and went to a neighbour's house and raised the alarm. He was described as being "very shook up" following the frightening incident.
Gardaí are asking if there was anyone in the Timahoe, Donadea area between 9.30pm and 10.30pm on Sunday 27 March and saw any car.
2011年3月28日 星期一
Crud Roadracer Mk2 mudguards
Crud products are perhaps better-known in the off-road world, but the Roadracers are - as the name implies - mudguards designed for road bikes. More specifically they're designed for road bikes that won't take conventional mudguards, either because of tight clearances between frame and wheel, or because there are no mudguard eyes on the frame - and usually both.
Call me old-fashioned, but I just don't understand how anyone can ride a bike without mudguards through the British winter. With no mudguards, you get your legs and backside covered in grime, you liberally spray anyone riding behind, and you leave dirty patches on the seats in cafes that later put up 'no cyclists' signs.
Until recently, one of the arguments against mudguards was 'they don't fit on my racing bike'. Another was 'mudguards spoil the looks of my bike' (to which a response might be: that'll be the bike covered in shite then.) But thanks to Crud Roadracers neither of these arguments stand up any more.
As long as you've got 4mm between the top of your tyre and the inside of your brake calliper, the Roadracers will slide in. And you don't need mudguard eyes: Roadracers attach to the frame with re-usable cable ties and some natty little brackets held on with rubber bands.
Rubber bands? Yes indeed. That's all you need to fix the Roadracers because they're incredibly light, around 150 to 205g the pair, depending on your choice of 'tips and tails'. More on that later. The weight is saved because Roadracers do not the four stiff metal stays used on conventional mudguards to keep the guards from touching the wheel or tyre. Instead, the Roadracers have just two flexible plastic stays and are designed to 'float' above the tyre, with some little strips of soft brushing on the inside of the stay-clip to rub very gently on the rims and keep the guards central.
Once you've got your head round this concept, it's a revelation. Yes, the brushes do touch your rims, but the friction is absolutely minimal (Crud say it's too small to be measured), and with the bike in a stand in the road.cc test lab, the wheels spun in the frame with Roadracers attached just as freely as without.
The original Roadracers were launched a couple of years ago, and the Mk2s features several improvements: they're slightly stronger, and you get a wider choice of 'tips' and 'tails' to attach to each end of the main section of mudguard.
Options include a long or short tip for the front guard; you decide how far you want it to project beyond the front brake. At the rear you can fix a short or long tail; the latter as good as a full-length mud-flap on conventional guards.
Between the back wheel and the seat tube you can fit another long section, sculpted into a deep concave shape at the end to protect your chainwheels and front mech. On our test bike we couldn't use this due to the cable line to the front mech, but we've seen it in action on other bikes, and users reckon it's an excellent feature.
If you want a really minimal look you don't *have* to fit the tips and tails at all (and on frames with very tight clearance, you can't), but we think they make a neater job of it.
Ok, so they look good, but do they work? Yes. We fitted the Roadracers to a test bike that scooted around the wet and muddy Cotswold lanes on a February weekend on a 100km audax. Without doubt they were as good as conventional mudguards in keeping the rider (and those behind) as clean and dry as a set of conventional guards.
It has to be said, because of the close clearance, when ridden on really muddy roads, there's a bit of scraping between the Roadracers and the tyre - until the mud fall off - so in that respect they're more spray-guards than mud-guards, but so much better than nothing at all.
I've been a fan of Crud stuff since the 1990s, and have used various versions on mountain bikes over the years - including an early version of a rear Crudguard (with two upright aluminium stays and flexible rubber mountings) that still occasionally sees the light of day on a heavy old hardtail. The Roadracers continue this legacy.
Finally, a word on fixing. It can be a bit fiddly first time out, but straightforward if you read the instructions - and no worse than fitting a conventional set of mudguards. No tools are required; you just use little plastic nuts and bolts that need finger-tightening only. Here in the road.cc lab we fitted our test set of Roadracers on a bike in well under an hour. For more help, the Crud website features some handy advice on fixing and adjusting Roadracers, and includes a great 'tips & tricks' video.
Crud Roadracers cost £29.99 in bikes shops, and you can find them for a few quid less on the major on-line stores. That's a similar price, or only a bit more, than a good set of conventional mudguards, and well worth the money for keeping diesel-and-manure-flavoured road-spray off your racing bike, off your cycling clothes, and off your poor old club-mates trying to sit on your wheel.
Call me old-fashioned, but I just don't understand how anyone can ride a bike without mudguards through the British winter. With no mudguards, you get your legs and backside covered in grime, you liberally spray anyone riding behind, and you leave dirty patches on the seats in cafes that later put up 'no cyclists' signs.
Until recently, one of the arguments against mudguards was 'they don't fit on my racing bike'. Another was 'mudguards spoil the looks of my bike' (to which a response might be: that'll be the bike covered in shite then.) But thanks to Crud Roadracers neither of these arguments stand up any more.
As long as you've got 4mm between the top of your tyre and the inside of your brake calliper, the Roadracers will slide in. And you don't need mudguard eyes: Roadracers attach to the frame with re-usable cable ties and some natty little brackets held on with rubber bands.
Rubber bands? Yes indeed. That's all you need to fix the Roadracers because they're incredibly light, around 150 to 205g the pair, depending on your choice of 'tips and tails'. More on that later. The weight is saved because Roadracers do not the four stiff metal stays used on conventional mudguards to keep the guards from touching the wheel or tyre. Instead, the Roadracers have just two flexible plastic stays and are designed to 'float' above the tyre, with some little strips of soft brushing on the inside of the stay-clip to rub very gently on the rims and keep the guards central.
Once you've got your head round this concept, it's a revelation. Yes, the brushes do touch your rims, but the friction is absolutely minimal (Crud say it's too small to be measured), and with the bike in a stand in the road.cc test lab, the wheels spun in the frame with Roadracers attached just as freely as without.
The original Roadracers were launched a couple of years ago, and the Mk2s features several improvements: they're slightly stronger, and you get a wider choice of 'tips' and 'tails' to attach to each end of the main section of mudguard.
Options include a long or short tip for the front guard; you decide how far you want it to project beyond the front brake. At the rear you can fix a short or long tail; the latter as good as a full-length mud-flap on conventional guards.
Between the back wheel and the seat tube you can fit another long section, sculpted into a deep concave shape at the end to protect your chainwheels and front mech. On our test bike we couldn't use this due to the cable line to the front mech, but we've seen it in action on other bikes, and users reckon it's an excellent feature.
If you want a really minimal look you don't *have* to fit the tips and tails at all (and on frames with very tight clearance, you can't), but we think they make a neater job of it.
Ok, so they look good, but do they work? Yes. We fitted the Roadracers to a test bike that scooted around the wet and muddy Cotswold lanes on a February weekend on a 100km audax. Without doubt they were as good as conventional mudguards in keeping the rider (and those behind) as clean and dry as a set of conventional guards.
It has to be said, because of the close clearance, when ridden on really muddy roads, there's a bit of scraping between the Roadracers and the tyre - until the mud fall off - so in that respect they're more spray-guards than mud-guards, but so much better than nothing at all.
I've been a fan of Crud stuff since the 1990s, and have used various versions on mountain bikes over the years - including an early version of a rear Crudguard (with two upright aluminium stays and flexible rubber mountings) that still occasionally sees the light of day on a heavy old hardtail. The Roadracers continue this legacy.
Finally, a word on fixing. It can be a bit fiddly first time out, but straightforward if you read the instructions - and no worse than fitting a conventional set of mudguards. No tools are required; you just use little plastic nuts and bolts that need finger-tightening only. Here in the road.cc lab we fitted our test set of Roadracers on a bike in well under an hour. For more help, the Crud website features some handy advice on fixing and adjusting Roadracers, and includes a great 'tips & tricks' video.
Crud Roadracers cost £29.99 in bikes shops, and you can find them for a few quid less on the major on-line stores. That's a similar price, or only a bit more, than a good set of conventional mudguards, and well worth the money for keeping diesel-and-manure-flavoured road-spray off your racing bike, off your cycling clothes, and off your poor old club-mates trying to sit on your wheel.
2011年3月27日 星期日
Israel asking Argentina if it stopped inquiry into Jewish centre bombings to appease Iran
Israel wants clarifications from Argentina over a report it offered Iran a deal: It would stop investigating bombings on Jewish centres there in the 1990s in exchange for better trade ties, an Israeli foreign ministry official said Sunday.
The Argentine paper Perfil quoted a leaked Iranian Cable Ties on Saturday detailing the offer.
Eighty-five people were killed and 200 were injured when a bomb exploded in a van outside the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association on July 18, 1994 — that country's bloodiest terrorist attack.
The centre, a symbol for Argentina's Jewish population of more than 200,000, was destroyed two years after a bomb flattened the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires, killing 29 people.
Argentine officials claim that Iran orchestrated the attacks and that the Iranian-backed Hezbollah group carried it out. The United States and Israel also say Iran was behind the bombings, but Iran has denied it.
Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said Sunday he is waiting for official Argentine comment. "If this is true, then it would be a display of infinite cynicism and a dishonour to the dead." he said.
Israeli media reported that Israel was considering postponing an visit by Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman until clarifications are made.
The Argentine Foreign Ministry has not commented.
The paper quoted a report sent by Iran's Foreign Relations Minister Ali Akbar Salehi to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad that said, "Argentina is no longer interested in solving those two attacks, but in exchange prefers improving its economic relations with Iran."
According to the article, Timerman made the offer via Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Foreign Minister Walid al-Muallem in a meeting in the Syrian city of Aleppo in January.
The details of that conversation were later conveyed to Ahmadinejad by his foreign minister, the paper said.
The paper did not say how it obtained the leaked cables.
The Argentine paper Perfil quoted a leaked Iranian Cable Ties on Saturday detailing the offer.
Eighty-five people were killed and 200 were injured when a bomb exploded in a van outside the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association on July 18, 1994 — that country's bloodiest terrorist attack.
The centre, a symbol for Argentina's Jewish population of more than 200,000, was destroyed two years after a bomb flattened the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires, killing 29 people.
Argentine officials claim that Iran orchestrated the attacks and that the Iranian-backed Hezbollah group carried it out. The United States and Israel also say Iran was behind the bombings, but Iran has denied it.
Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said Sunday he is waiting for official Argentine comment. "If this is true, then it would be a display of infinite cynicism and a dishonour to the dead." he said.
Israeli media reported that Israel was considering postponing an visit by Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman until clarifications are made.
The Argentine Foreign Ministry has not commented.
The paper quoted a report sent by Iran's Foreign Relations Minister Ali Akbar Salehi to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad that said, "Argentina is no longer interested in solving those two attacks, but in exchange prefers improving its economic relations with Iran."
According to the article, Timerman made the offer via Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Foreign Minister Walid al-Muallem in a meeting in the Syrian city of Aleppo in January.
The details of that conversation were later conveyed to Ahmadinejad by his foreign minister, the paper said.
The paper did not say how it obtained the leaked cables.
2011年3月22日 星期二
Seasonic X-Series 560W
Our latest candidate for PSU torture testing is the Seasonic X-560. Seasonic first garnered praise with the X-Series by offering a range of 80 Plus Gold PSUs from low wattage up through high wattage units, along with two passively cooled versions. Other reasons for their popularity are the 5-year warranty and outstanding internal design. Even most of the S12II and M12II models (which they don't generally offer as review samples) are getting awards all over the world for providing high quality in a mainstream market segment. At a price of $120 USD the X-560 is definetly not the cheapest ~550W power supply, but we're here to find out if buyers get more for their money.
As you can see in the picture Seasonic delivers a bag for modular connectors—the X-560 has fully removable cables. Also included in the packed are a power cord, four screws, a user's guide, and many cable ties. In short, Seasonic provides plenty of extras to keep the customers satisfied.
A note on the PSU informs users that this PSU works passively below 20% load. Features include "tight voltage regulation", "gold plated terminals", and a mainboard with many SMDs (surface mounted devices). High-class solid caps are part of the ouput filtering. And for the gamers among us, this PSU supports multi-GPU technologies, all with a reasonable rating of 560W.
As you can see in the picture Seasonic delivers a bag for modular connectors—the X-560 has fully removable cables. Also included in the packed are a power cord, four screws, a user's guide, and many cable ties. In short, Seasonic provides plenty of extras to keep the customers satisfied.
A note on the PSU informs users that this PSU works passively below 20% load. Features include "tight voltage regulation", "gold plated terminals", and a mainboard with many SMDs (surface mounted devices). High-class solid caps are part of the ouput filtering. And for the gamers among us, this PSU supports multi-GPU technologies, all with a reasonable rating of 560W.
2011年3月20日 星期日
US ambassador to Mexico resigns amid uproar over leaked cable criticizing Mexico's drug fight
The U.S. ambassador to Mexico resigned Saturday amid furor over a leaked diplomatic cable in
which he complained about inefficiency and infighting among Mexican security forces in the
campaign against drug cartels.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, in Paris to meet with U.S. allies on Libya,
said Carlos Pascual's decision to step down was "based upon his personal desire to ensure the
strong relationship between our two countries and to avert issues" raised by President Felipe
Calderon.
Clinton didn't say specifically what she was referring to, but a furious Calderon has
publicly criticized Pascual's cable, which was divulged by the WikiLeaks website.
Pascual's resignation — less than two weeks since President Barack Obama met with Calderon
at the White House — appeared to be the biggest fallout yet from thousands of sensitive U.S.
diplomatic cables from around the world released by WikiLeaks. It was the first such public
departure by a U.S. ambassador during the Obama administration.
Mexico's government offered a polite and muted response, offering "its best wishes to
Ambassador Carlos Pascual in the duties he will undertake after concluding his post in our
country."
"Institutional contacts between both countries are solid, as it should be between the
neighboring and friendly countries with common goals," Calderon's office said in a statement.
"The Mexican government reiterates its commitment to consolidating the principles of shared
responsibility, trust and mutual respect as the basis of bilateral ties with the United
States."
Clinton took the unusual step of announcing the departure of an individual member of the
diplomatic corps, and while she was on the road meeting with U.S. allies to discuss the
commencement of military attacks on Moammar Gadhafi's Libyan government.
She went to lengths to praise Pascual's work in Mexico and said the Obama administration
never lost confidence in him. Clinton said Pascual's work with Mexico to build institutions
capable of fighting drug traffickers "will serve both our nations for decades."
She added that she was "particularly grateful to Carlos for his efforts to sustain the morale
and security of American personnel after tragic shootings in Mexico" that killed a U.S.
employee, her husband and a Mexican tied to the consulate in the border city of Ciudad Juarez
last year.
"It is with great reluctance that President Obama and I have acceded to Carlos's request" to
step down, Clinton said in a statement.
The ambassador's resignation, however, laid bare how difficult relations between the U.S.
Embassy and the Mexican government had become since the release of the cable in December.
Calderon has made no secret of his personal anger at Pascual.
which he complained about inefficiency and infighting among Mexican security forces in the
campaign against drug cartels.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, in Paris to meet with U.S. allies on Libya,
said Carlos Pascual's decision to step down was "based upon his personal desire to ensure the
strong relationship between our two countries and to avert issues" raised by President Felipe
Calderon.
Clinton didn't say specifically what she was referring to, but a furious Calderon has
publicly criticized Pascual's cable, which was divulged by the WikiLeaks website.
Pascual's resignation — less than two weeks since President Barack Obama met with Calderon
at the White House — appeared to be the biggest fallout yet from thousands of sensitive U.S.
diplomatic cables from around the world released by WikiLeaks. It was the first such public
departure by a U.S. ambassador during the Obama administration.
Mexico's government offered a polite and muted response, offering "its best wishes to
Ambassador Carlos Pascual in the duties he will undertake after concluding his post in our
country."
"Institutional contacts between both countries are solid, as it should be between the
neighboring and friendly countries with common goals," Calderon's office said in a statement.
"The Mexican government reiterates its commitment to consolidating the principles of shared
responsibility, trust and mutual respect as the basis of bilateral ties with the United
States."
Clinton took the unusual step of announcing the departure of an individual member of the
diplomatic corps, and while she was on the road meeting with U.S. allies to discuss the
commencement of military attacks on Moammar Gadhafi's Libyan government.
She went to lengths to praise Pascual's work in Mexico and said the Obama administration
never lost confidence in him. Clinton said Pascual's work with Mexico to build institutions
capable of fighting drug traffickers "will serve both our nations for decades."
She added that she was "particularly grateful to Carlos for his efforts to sustain the morale
and security of American personnel after tragic shootings in Mexico" that killed a U.S.
employee, her husband and a Mexican tied to the consulate in the border city of Ciudad Juarez
last year.
"It is with great reluctance that President Obama and I have acceded to Carlos's request" to
step down, Clinton said in a statement.
The ambassador's resignation, however, laid bare how difficult relations between the U.S.
Embassy and the Mexican government had become since the release of the cable in December.
Calderon has made no secret of his personal anger at Pascual.
2011年3月14日 星期一
Self-defense argument expected in Chisholm trial
During an interview July 8 at the Grand Forks County jail, Rodney Chisholm told the Herald he
feared for his life when he was fighting with his brother, Donald.
Chisholm, 45, said his 59-year-old brother hit him in the head with a metal pipe sometime
around June 24. He said he responded by grabbing another metal pipe, knocking his brother
down with a blow to the head and then strangling him.
When Chisholm spoke with the Herald, he had already told investigators his version of what
happened. Despite his claim he was defending himself, he was charged with murder.
With Chisholm's trial set to start Tuesday, prosecutors are anticipating they'll be
confronted by a self-defense argument. They've asked state District Judge Lawrence Jahnke to
explain to jurors the legal limits of self-defense.
Prosecutor Jason McCarthy has submitted a suggested jury instruction that would tell jurors
that a person can lawfully kill someone to protect him or herself from death or serious
injury, but that killing an attacker is not legal if the person who's threatened can safely
get away.
In July, the judge ordered McCarthy, defense attorney Steven Light and others involved in the
case not to discuss the matter with the news media.
In light of the judge's order, the Herald asked a pair of local attorneys — who are not
connected to the case and not privy to all its evidence — to offer their thoughts on
Chisholm's side presenting a self-defense argument.
Steven Simonson, a former Nelson County (N.D.) state's attorney, noted that it's generally
difficult for a lawyer to make a self-defense argument in a strangulation case.
"You got a lot of time to change your mind when your hands are on somebody's neck,"he said.
"There has to be no way to escape in a self-defense argument.”
Alex Reichert, a Grand Forks defense attorney, said Chisholm will probably testify during the
trial if his lawyer is arguing self-defense.
"It is obviously difficult to raise self-defense when your client doesn't testify,"Reichert
said. "Most likely he'll have to get on the stand and say, ‘I was trying to protect myself.'
”
Simonson, who now works as a defense attorney, agreed: "How does he (Chisholm) assert that he
was defending himself unless he explains why he was defending himself?”
Aside from Chisholm and his brother, it seems no one else was around during their fight that
reportedly took place near Mekinock, N.D., on a plot of family-owned land the two had been
feuding over. Mekinock sits about five miles north of Grand Forks Air Force Base.
While the defense is not required to identify its witnesses before a trial, the prosecution
must do so. Among the witnesses prosecutors plan to call are investigators from the Grand
Forks County Sheriff's Department, agents with the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal
Investigation, state crime lab personnel, Donald Chisholm's neighbors and members of the
Chisholm family.
Dr. Roger Hasey, a specialist in forensic dentistry who identified the victim as Donald
Chisholm, and Dr. Mark Koponen, a forensic pathologist who conducted the autopsy, are
expected to testify as expert witnesses.
Unexplained evidence
The autopsy results, notably Donald Chisholm's cause of death, have not been made public. A
criminal complaint says Chisholm killed his brother by either hitting him in the head with a
metal pipe, strangling him or a combination of the two.
Authorities said Chisholm buried his brother on the land where they fought, and that he led
investigators to the body on July 7.
The Herald's review of certain case documents, which were filed after the initial charging
documents, revealed details about the discovery of Donald Chisholm's body that are difficult
to interpret without an explanation from authorities.
When investigators found his body, it "was partially bound using plastic ties,"and there was
"a hose clamp around its neck,"according to an investigator's affidavit.
Included in the 40 items on the prosecution's exhibit list are "two hose clamps combined
together,"a "black cable tie with (a) belt loop"and a "black cable tie.”
The affidavit says Chisholm told investigators that cable ties, hose clamps and a screwdriver
were used in his altercation with his brother, but the document does not elaborate. During
Chisholm's interview with the Herald, he did not mention these items.
Cable ties, also known as zip ties, are plastic fasteners with ratchets for tightening. They
are sometimes used to hold electronic cables together.
Hose clamps are commonly used to secure hoses in vehicle engines. They come in various styles
and sizes and are often made of metal. Some can be tightened with a screwdriver.
Chisholm, of rural Manvel, N.D., has rejected a plea deal offered by the prosecution. The
terms of the deal were not disclosed. If convicted of murder, he would face a maximum penalty
of life in prison without parole.
Chisholm, who remains in custody at the county jail, also faces felony theft charges stemming
from thousands of dollars worth of stolen farm equipment that authorities allegedly found in
his possession.
The judge has said the theft cases will be dealt with after the murder trial, which is
scheduled to end Friday.
feared for his life when he was fighting with his brother, Donald.
Chisholm, 45, said his 59-year-old brother hit him in the head with a metal pipe sometime
around June 24. He said he responded by grabbing another metal pipe, knocking his brother
down with a blow to the head and then strangling him.
When Chisholm spoke with the Herald, he had already told investigators his version of what
happened. Despite his claim he was defending himself, he was charged with murder.
With Chisholm's trial set to start Tuesday, prosecutors are anticipating they'll be
confronted by a self-defense argument. They've asked state District Judge Lawrence Jahnke to
explain to jurors the legal limits of self-defense.
Prosecutor Jason McCarthy has submitted a suggested jury instruction that would tell jurors
that a person can lawfully kill someone to protect him or herself from death or serious
injury, but that killing an attacker is not legal if the person who's threatened can safely
get away.
In July, the judge ordered McCarthy, defense attorney Steven Light and others involved in the
case not to discuss the matter with the news media.
In light of the judge's order, the Herald asked a pair of local attorneys — who are not
connected to the case and not privy to all its evidence — to offer their thoughts on
Chisholm's side presenting a self-defense argument.
Steven Simonson, a former Nelson County (N.D.) state's attorney, noted that it's generally
difficult for a lawyer to make a self-defense argument in a strangulation case.
"You got a lot of time to change your mind when your hands are on somebody's neck,"he said.
"There has to be no way to escape in a self-defense argument.”
Alex Reichert, a Grand Forks defense attorney, said Chisholm will probably testify during the
trial if his lawyer is arguing self-defense.
"It is obviously difficult to raise self-defense when your client doesn't testify,"Reichert
said. "Most likely he'll have to get on the stand and say, ‘I was trying to protect myself.'
”
Simonson, who now works as a defense attorney, agreed: "How does he (Chisholm) assert that he
was defending himself unless he explains why he was defending himself?”
Aside from Chisholm and his brother, it seems no one else was around during their fight that
reportedly took place near Mekinock, N.D., on a plot of family-owned land the two had been
feuding over. Mekinock sits about five miles north of Grand Forks Air Force Base.
While the defense is not required to identify its witnesses before a trial, the prosecution
must do so. Among the witnesses prosecutors plan to call are investigators from the Grand
Forks County Sheriff's Department, agents with the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal
Investigation, state crime lab personnel, Donald Chisholm's neighbors and members of the
Chisholm family.
Dr. Roger Hasey, a specialist in forensic dentistry who identified the victim as Donald
Chisholm, and Dr. Mark Koponen, a forensic pathologist who conducted the autopsy, are
expected to testify as expert witnesses.
Unexplained evidence
The autopsy results, notably Donald Chisholm's cause of death, have not been made public. A
criminal complaint says Chisholm killed his brother by either hitting him in the head with a
metal pipe, strangling him or a combination of the two.
Authorities said Chisholm buried his brother on the land where they fought, and that he led
investigators to the body on July 7.
The Herald's review of certain case documents, which were filed after the initial charging
documents, revealed details about the discovery of Donald Chisholm's body that are difficult
to interpret without an explanation from authorities.
When investigators found his body, it "was partially bound using plastic ties,"and there was
"a hose clamp around its neck,"according to an investigator's affidavit.
Included in the 40 items on the prosecution's exhibit list are "two hose clamps combined
together,"a "black cable tie with (a) belt loop"and a "black cable tie.”
The affidavit says Chisholm told investigators that cable ties, hose clamps and a screwdriver
were used in his altercation with his brother, but the document does not elaborate. During
Chisholm's interview with the Herald, he did not mention these items.
Cable ties, also known as zip ties, are plastic fasteners with ratchets for tightening. They
are sometimes used to hold electronic cables together.
Hose clamps are commonly used to secure hoses in vehicle engines. They come in various styles
and sizes and are often made of metal. Some can be tightened with a screwdriver.
Chisholm, of rural Manvel, N.D., has rejected a plea deal offered by the prosecution. The
terms of the deal were not disclosed. If convicted of murder, he would face a maximum penalty
of life in prison without parole.
Chisholm, who remains in custody at the county jail, also faces felony theft charges stemming
from thousands of dollars worth of stolen farm equipment that authorities allegedly found in
his possession.
The judge has said the theft cases will be dealt with after the murder trial, which is
scheduled to end Friday.
2011年3月13日 星期日
West forms federal 'leadership PAC'
He's already a platinum YouTube star, Internet traffic generator and cable TV mainstay. Now
freshman U.S. Rep. Allen West, R-Plantation, has formed a federal "leadership PAC" that could
come in handy if he wants to lift his national profile any higher.
Leadership PACs allow members of Congress - including the three other members of Palm Beach
County's congressional delegation - to raise money at up to $5,000 a pop and distribute
contributions to other candidates.
The committees are often used by those with leadership ambitions to curry favor with
colleagues. On his way to becoming House speaker, Rep. John Boehner, R-Ohio, used his PAC to
hand out $4 million to GOP candidates over the last four election cycles.
The PACs are also useful for officials eyeing higher office. Rookie Illinois Sen. Barack
Obama formed his Hopefund PAC a few weeks after taking office in 2005. By the time the 2006
elections were over, Obama's PAC had raised and spent more than $3.7 million - doling out
more than $700,000 to Democratic candidates and party organs around the nation, spending
about $200,000 on travel and more than $1 million to build a fund-raising network that would
help him win the presidency two years later.
Most leadership PACs operate on a much smaller scale. U.S. Rep. Alcee Hastings, D-Miramar,
raised $69,000 and spent about $45,000 through his PAC over four years. U.S. Rep. Tom Rooney,
R-Tequesta, raised and spent less than $20,000 with his PAC for the 2010 elections.
U.S. Rep. Ted Deutch, D-Boca Raton, formed Together Electing Democrats PAC (TEDPAC) shortly
after winning a special election last year and spent about $32,000 on 2010 races.
West, who raised more than $6.4 million for his own campaign last year, plans to use his
Guardian Leadership PAC to support other conservative candidates, West Chief of Staff
Jonathan Blyth said. Asked if West has any larger ambitions, Blyth said, "his focus is on
representing the people of the 22nd District."
* Democrat Patrick Murphy, who plans to launch a campaign for West's seat this week,
worked the crowd at last Tuesday's labor/Democratic/anti-Rick Scott rally in West Palm Beach
with consultant Eric Johnson. Murphy said he fully expects term-limited West Palm Beach Mayor
Lois Frankel to enter the race.
* Diana Demarest, campaign manager for losing West Palm Beach city commission candidate
John Cohen, has filed a Florida Elections Commission complaint accusing rival Keith James of
breaking the law by describing himself as a "Life Long Democrat" and including a Democratic
donkey symbol in campaign literature for the nonpartisan race.
James and Diane Cantone face each other in a March 22 runoff.
Florida statutes say a nonpartisan candidate is "prohibited from campaigning or qualifying
for election or retention in office based on party affiliation."
The state Division of Elections told a nonpartisan candidate in a 2003 opinion that "you may
not publicly represent or advertise yourself as a member of any political party." But the
opinion says it's OK to list partisan experience, such "executive committee of ____ party,"
because that "would simply be providing information."
freshman U.S. Rep. Allen West, R-Plantation, has formed a federal "leadership PAC" that could
come in handy if he wants to lift his national profile any higher.
Leadership PACs allow members of Congress - including the three other members of Palm Beach
County's congressional delegation - to raise money at up to $5,000 a pop and distribute
contributions to other candidates.
The committees are often used by those with leadership ambitions to curry favor with
colleagues. On his way to becoming House speaker, Rep. John Boehner, R-Ohio, used his PAC to
hand out $4 million to GOP candidates over the last four election cycles.
The PACs are also useful for officials eyeing higher office. Rookie Illinois Sen. Barack
Obama formed his Hopefund PAC a few weeks after taking office in 2005. By the time the 2006
elections were over, Obama's PAC had raised and spent more than $3.7 million - doling out
more than $700,000 to Democratic candidates and party organs around the nation, spending
about $200,000 on travel and more than $1 million to build a fund-raising network that would
help him win the presidency two years later.
Most leadership PACs operate on a much smaller scale. U.S. Rep. Alcee Hastings, D-Miramar,
raised $69,000 and spent about $45,000 through his PAC over four years. U.S. Rep. Tom Rooney,
R-Tequesta, raised and spent less than $20,000 with his PAC for the 2010 elections.
U.S. Rep. Ted Deutch, D-Boca Raton, formed Together Electing Democrats PAC (TEDPAC) shortly
after winning a special election last year and spent about $32,000 on 2010 races.
West, who raised more than $6.4 million for his own campaign last year, plans to use his
Guardian Leadership PAC to support other conservative candidates, West Chief of Staff
Jonathan Blyth said. Asked if West has any larger ambitions, Blyth said, "his focus is on
representing the people of the 22nd District."
* Democrat Patrick Murphy, who plans to launch a campaign for West's seat this week,
worked the crowd at last Tuesday's labor/Democratic/anti-Rick Scott rally in West Palm Beach
with consultant Eric Johnson. Murphy said he fully expects term-limited West Palm Beach Mayor
Lois Frankel to enter the race.
* Diana Demarest, campaign manager for losing West Palm Beach city commission candidate
John Cohen, has filed a Florida Elections Commission complaint accusing rival Keith James of
breaking the law by describing himself as a "Life Long Democrat" and including a Democratic
donkey symbol in campaign literature for the nonpartisan race.
James and Diane Cantone face each other in a March 22 runoff.
Florida statutes say a nonpartisan candidate is "prohibited from campaigning or qualifying
for election or retention in office based on party affiliation."
The state Division of Elections told a nonpartisan candidate in a 2003 opinion that "you may
not publicly represent or advertise yourself as a member of any political party." But the
opinion says it's OK to list partisan experience, such "executive committee of ____ party,"
because that "would simply be providing information."
2011年3月9日 星期三
Waytek, Inc. Announces New Molex Mini Splash Connectors
Waytek, Inc., a leading distributor of electrical supplies, announced today the availability
of new Splash Proof connectors from Molex, the leading one-source global supplier of
interconnect products. The Molex Mini Splash Connector is a 2.50mm (.098") pitch water-
resistant wire-to-wire connector system delivering 3A per circuit. Available in 2-to-4-
circuit sizes, these connectors meet JIS (Japanese Industrial Standards) DO203S2 waterproof
compliant standards, and are ideal for automotive applications such as wipers, switches, and
mirror motor harnesses. Molex currently offers two different families of Splash Proof
connectors designed for various applications in which waterproofing is necessary.
Molex Mini Splash Connectors features an integral housing seal for simple assembly and water
protection. A unique seal stopper provides excellent waterproofing and low insertion force
(for some circuits, a cap-fitting tool may be needed to lock the seal into the housing).
User-friendly friction locks save space and protect the latch, providing a secure connection
every time. A raised, split-beam male terminal design and polarizing ribs ensure proper
mating by preventing incorrect terminal insertion, while female terminals include a unique
spring-beam design that provides high-pressure and small-deflection for high-vibration
applications. In order to suit the needs of a wide variety of applications, each Molex Splash
Proof connector system differs slightly in size and color.
Waytek, Inc. is a privately held company which offers quality electrical wiring supplies.
With over 6,000 products in stock, Waytek's extensive line includes wire, connectors,
electric relays, switches, cable ties, heat shrink and many more wiring accessories.
About Molex
Molex is a leading supplier of electronic, electrical, and fiber optic interconnect products
with an extensive portfolio of reliable product solutions that touch virtually every walk of
life. Molex is a one-source design, development, and distribution company that focuses on
innovation and product performance.
of new Splash Proof connectors from Molex, the leading one-source global supplier of
interconnect products. The Molex Mini Splash Connector is a 2.50mm (.098") pitch water-
resistant wire-to-wire connector system delivering 3A per circuit. Available in 2-to-4-
circuit sizes, these connectors meet JIS (Japanese Industrial Standards) DO203S2 waterproof
compliant standards, and are ideal for automotive applications such as wipers, switches, and
mirror motor harnesses. Molex currently offers two different families of Splash Proof
connectors designed for various applications in which waterproofing is necessary.
Molex Mini Splash Connectors features an integral housing seal for simple assembly and water
protection. A unique seal stopper provides excellent waterproofing and low insertion force
(for some circuits, a cap-fitting tool may be needed to lock the seal into the housing).
User-friendly friction locks save space and protect the latch, providing a secure connection
every time. A raised, split-beam male terminal design and polarizing ribs ensure proper
mating by preventing incorrect terminal insertion, while female terminals include a unique
spring-beam design that provides high-pressure and small-deflection for high-vibration
applications. In order to suit the needs of a wide variety of applications, each Molex Splash
Proof connector system differs slightly in size and color.
Waytek, Inc. is a privately held company which offers quality electrical wiring supplies.
With over 6,000 products in stock, Waytek's extensive line includes wire, connectors,
electric relays, switches, cable ties, heat shrink and many more wiring accessories.
About Molex
Molex is a leading supplier of electronic, electrical, and fiber optic interconnect products
with an extensive portfolio of reliable product solutions that touch virtually every walk of
life. Molex is a one-source design, development, and distribution company that focuses on
innovation and product performance.
2011年3月7日 星期一
Cabby already dead when
SINGAPORE - When cabby Yuen Swee Hong, 58, failed to return to his Serangoon home
from his shift on April 11, 2009, Madam Chan Oi Lin called her husband's mobile phone
and was met with a threat from a man with a mainland Chinese accent.
He said that he had kidnapped Mr Yuen and that the cabby "is going to die".
He demanded $150,000 in ransom.
But unknown to Mdm Chan, her husband was probably already dead.
Opening the prosecutor's case in the High Court murder trial against Chinese national
Wang Wenfeng, 32, Deputy Public Prosecutor (DPP) Eugene Lee also told the court that
the cabby had up to five stab wounds on his shirt and his taxi - found in a multi-
storey carpark in Canberra Link - was splattered with blood.
DPP Lee added that it was Wang who led the police to Mr Yuen's decomposed body,
hidden in a forested area in Sembawang on April 17, 2009.
He also led the police into a forested area at Nee Soon Road where a haversack
containing two knives and other items such as gloves, cable ties and nylon rope were
found.
In court, Mdm Chan recalled the shock and anguish when the ransom demand was made.
The widow told the court that she received another call and managed to reduce the
ransom amount to $80,000.
Their son alerted the police.
The next day, Mdm Chan and the male caller settled on a sum of $5,000, to be
delivered at Marsiling MRT station.
There, she received a text message to remit the money into a China Construction Bank
account.
She refused as she wanted to hear her husband's voice first.
She waited there for many hours without avail and went home.
The man called again and asked her if she had remitted the money.
"I replied again that I did not know how to do so. He replied that he did not care
and ended the call abruptly. That was the last time I heard from the male caller,"
said Mdm Chan.
The vctim's brother, Mr Yuen Peng Yin, who was with Mdm Chan at that time, told the
court that they did not remit the money as they thought it was a scam.
Wang's wife, Mdm Gong Wenying, testified that her husband "was stressed over money"
and "appeared to be desperate" to raise money for his mother's cancer treatment.
Wang, a general worker, had also mentioned selling his organs to raise money.
"I was not sure if he was serious but I advised him that we had time to make money as
we were still young," said Mdm Gong.
Wang's co-tenant, Mr Chen Yongquan, said that on April 10 - the night before the
alleged murder - Wang left the flat with a haversack and claimed that Wang said he
"needed to do something outside".
When Mr Chen commented that it was already late, Wang replied "robbery".
"I thought he was joking," said Mr Chen.
Wang was arrested at People's Park Complex on April 13, 2009 after he collected a
one-way ticket to Xiamen, China.
The hearing continues.
from his shift on April 11, 2009, Madam Chan Oi Lin called her husband's mobile phone
and was met with a threat from a man with a mainland Chinese accent.
He said that he had kidnapped Mr Yuen and that the cabby "is going to die".
He demanded $150,000 in ransom.
But unknown to Mdm Chan, her husband was probably already dead.
Opening the prosecutor's case in the High Court murder trial against Chinese national
Wang Wenfeng, 32, Deputy Public Prosecutor (DPP) Eugene Lee also told the court that
the cabby had up to five stab wounds on his shirt and his taxi - found in a multi-
storey carpark in Canberra Link - was splattered with blood.
DPP Lee added that it was Wang who led the police to Mr Yuen's decomposed body,
hidden in a forested area in Sembawang on April 17, 2009.
He also led the police into a forested area at Nee Soon Road where a haversack
containing two knives and other items such as gloves, cable ties and nylon rope were
found.
In court, Mdm Chan recalled the shock and anguish when the ransom demand was made.
The widow told the court that she received another call and managed to reduce the
ransom amount to $80,000.
Their son alerted the police.
The next day, Mdm Chan and the male caller settled on a sum of $5,000, to be
delivered at Marsiling MRT station.
There, she received a text message to remit the money into a China Construction Bank
account.
She refused as she wanted to hear her husband's voice first.
She waited there for many hours without avail and went home.
The man called again and asked her if she had remitted the money.
"I replied again that I did not know how to do so. He replied that he did not care
and ended the call abruptly. That was the last time I heard from the male caller,"
said Mdm Chan.
The vctim's brother, Mr Yuen Peng Yin, who was with Mdm Chan at that time, told the
court that they did not remit the money as they thought it was a scam.
Wang's wife, Mdm Gong Wenying, testified that her husband "was stressed over money"
and "appeared to be desperate" to raise money for his mother's cancer treatment.
Wang, a general worker, had also mentioned selling his organs to raise money.
"I was not sure if he was serious but I advised him that we had time to make money as
we were still young," said Mdm Gong.
Wang's co-tenant, Mr Chen Yongquan, said that on April 10 - the night before the
alleged murder - Wang left the flat with a haversack and claimed that Wang said he
"needed to do something outside".
When Mr Chen commented that it was already late, Wang replied "robbery".
"I thought he was joking," said Mr Chen.
Wang was arrested at People's Park Complex on April 13, 2009 after he collected a
one-way ticket to Xiamen, China.
The hearing continues.
2011年3月2日 星期三
Jason Sudeikis gets a hall pass
Funnyman Jason Sudeikis is just coming out of a serious dating daze.
The Saturday Night Live player split last month from girlfriend January Jones, who
plays an icy blond on the award-winning cable series, Mad Men.
No sooner could you say breakup, then rumours circulated he was armin-arm with Ryan
Reynolds' ex, Scarlett Johansson.
Hearsay aside, Sudeikis says he is "concentrating on more immediate matters" during a
recent interview.
For instance, there is his career.
The 35-year-old actor has a fairly active one. Somehow, he finds time between the all
-encompassing SNL gig from September to May to carve out a place in the film world.
"The decision sort of came when people asked if I wanted to be in (films), truth be
told," said a modest Sudeikis.
"Then the decision usually comes from being really fortunate to work with a lot of
great people at SNL and continuing the streak of luck. Hopefully, I'll work with more
fun people in the future."
Currently, Sudeikis can be seen in the Farrelly brothers' R-rated film farce, Hall
Pass, which opened Feb. 25.
In the raunchy comedy, the comic actor plays Fred, who is best friends with Owen
Wilson's Rick. The buddies agree they are bored with the drudgery of married life.
Somehow, they finagle a "hall pass" from their wives (Jenna Fischer plays Rick's
better half and Christina Applegate is Fred's), which gives the lads seven days of
freedom from the ties that bind.
The catch is, the wives also get to exercise their right to party for a week. And they
seem better prepared to seek alternatives than the husbands, who don't realize how out
of it they are.
Throw in some of Peter and Bobby Farrelly-patented gags, gross-outs and pratfalls and
you have a rowdy laugh-fest, not suited for the whole family, as Wilson's Rick and
Sudeikis's Fred get in way over their heads with the opposite sex.
While embracing the Hall Pass role, Sudeikis, once divorced and now newly single,
maintains he doesn't condone the Hall Pass lifestyle in real life.
"I do believe in the idea of love and marriage and monogamy," he said, smiling. "But I
feel like the (trailers for the movie) alone will probably cause some sofa discussions
or pillow talk between couples like, 'Would you do that?' or 'Honey, what would you do
if I gave you that?' "
OK, so in his imaginary fantasy world, who would Sudeikis use his Hall Pass to be with
in an intimate way?
"1967 Raquel Welch," he reported. "Who am I kidding? I'll take 1997 Raquel Welch. Oh,
who am I kidding? I'll take 2007 Raquel Welch, but not today, though," he continued.
"Now, I'll take Helen Mirren."
Next up on the Sudeikis movie agenda is another ensemble project, although a less
vulgar one than a Farrelly brothers production.
It's the Seth Gordon-directed comedy Horrible Bosses, set to hit theatres this summer.
Sudeikis joins some high-profile castmates, including Jennifer Aniston, Jamie Foxx,
Jason Bateman, Donald Sutherland, Kevin Spacey, Charlie Day and Colin Farrell.
That kind of celebrity profile didn't happen over night. Sudeikis worked on the
fringes of the comedy industry for nearly a decade, first performing at clubs in
Kansas City and later with a Second City touring company.
Eventually, he became a founding member of Second City in Las Vegas and studied at
Chicago-based improv theatre groups before getting his big break as an SNL sketch
writer in 2003.
Slowly, he made the transition to on-camera performer and continues to provide the
show with a range of characters, from an impersonation of U.S. vice-president Joe
Biden to the brazen Ed Mahoney.
On TV, he won raves for his recurring character Floyd on Tina Fey's Emmy-winning
sitcom, 30 Rock. He also showed up in the 2008 Ashton Kutcher-Cameron Diaz comedy,
What Happens in Vegas, and The Bounty Hunter, alongside Gerard Butler and Jennifer
Aniston.
Last summer, Sudeikis was featured with Charlie Day in the romantic comedy Going the
Distance, with Drew Barrymore and Justin Long.
Meanwhile, Hall Pass and Horrible Bosses might be his perfect 2011 calling card for a
life after SNL. He's in the sixth year of a seven-year contract on the network sketch
show and he's getting restless.
"It might be time to move on," he predicted.
The Saturday Night Live player split last month from girlfriend January Jones, who
plays an icy blond on the award-winning cable series, Mad Men.
No sooner could you say breakup, then rumours circulated he was armin-arm with Ryan
Reynolds' ex, Scarlett Johansson.
Hearsay aside, Sudeikis says he is "concentrating on more immediate matters" during a
recent interview.
For instance, there is his career.
The 35-year-old actor has a fairly active one. Somehow, he finds time between the all
-encompassing SNL gig from September to May to carve out a place in the film world.
"The decision sort of came when people asked if I wanted to be in (films), truth be
told," said a modest Sudeikis.
"Then the decision usually comes from being really fortunate to work with a lot of
great people at SNL and continuing the streak of luck. Hopefully, I'll work with more
fun people in the future."
Currently, Sudeikis can be seen in the Farrelly brothers' R-rated film farce, Hall
Pass, which opened Feb. 25.
In the raunchy comedy, the comic actor plays Fred, who is best friends with Owen
Wilson's Rick. The buddies agree they are bored with the drudgery of married life.
Somehow, they finagle a "hall pass" from their wives (Jenna Fischer plays Rick's
better half and Christina Applegate is Fred's), which gives the lads seven days of
freedom from the ties that bind.
The catch is, the wives also get to exercise their right to party for a week. And they
seem better prepared to seek alternatives than the husbands, who don't realize how out
of it they are.
Throw in some of Peter and Bobby Farrelly-patented gags, gross-outs and pratfalls and
you have a rowdy laugh-fest, not suited for the whole family, as Wilson's Rick and
Sudeikis's Fred get in way over their heads with the opposite sex.
While embracing the Hall Pass role, Sudeikis, once divorced and now newly single,
maintains he doesn't condone the Hall Pass lifestyle in real life.
"I do believe in the idea of love and marriage and monogamy," he said, smiling. "But I
feel like the (trailers for the movie) alone will probably cause some sofa discussions
or pillow talk between couples like, 'Would you do that?' or 'Honey, what would you do
if I gave you that?' "
OK, so in his imaginary fantasy world, who would Sudeikis use his Hall Pass to be with
in an intimate way?
"1967 Raquel Welch," he reported. "Who am I kidding? I'll take 1997 Raquel Welch. Oh,
who am I kidding? I'll take 2007 Raquel Welch, but not today, though," he continued.
"Now, I'll take Helen Mirren."
Next up on the Sudeikis movie agenda is another ensemble project, although a less
vulgar one than a Farrelly brothers production.
It's the Seth Gordon-directed comedy Horrible Bosses, set to hit theatres this summer.
Sudeikis joins some high-profile castmates, including Jennifer Aniston, Jamie Foxx,
Jason Bateman, Donald Sutherland, Kevin Spacey, Charlie Day and Colin Farrell.
That kind of celebrity profile didn't happen over night. Sudeikis worked on the
fringes of the comedy industry for nearly a decade, first performing at clubs in
Kansas City and later with a Second City touring company.
Eventually, he became a founding member of Second City in Las Vegas and studied at
Chicago-based improv theatre groups before getting his big break as an SNL sketch
writer in 2003.
Slowly, he made the transition to on-camera performer and continues to provide the
show with a range of characters, from an impersonation of U.S. vice-president Joe
Biden to the brazen Ed Mahoney.
On TV, he won raves for his recurring character Floyd on Tina Fey's Emmy-winning
sitcom, 30 Rock. He also showed up in the 2008 Ashton Kutcher-Cameron Diaz comedy,
What Happens in Vegas, and The Bounty Hunter, alongside Gerard Butler and Jennifer
Aniston.
Last summer, Sudeikis was featured with Charlie Day in the romantic comedy Going the
Distance, with Drew Barrymore and Justin Long.
Meanwhile, Hall Pass and Horrible Bosses might be his perfect 2011 calling card for a
life after SNL. He's in the sixth year of a seven-year contract on the network sketch
show and he's getting restless.
"It might be time to move on," he predicted.
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