US Overlooks a Sleeper in Yemen

Since unrest began flooding through the Middle East, Western assessments have been

colored by hopes and expectations as much as by the events themselves. Media and

governments alike have waxed near-euphoric in bestowing virtue and righteousness

upon those who break with the incumbent rulers. While great attention is paid to

past infamies, little understanding of successor regimes has been offered. Regarding

Egypt, for instance, a military council was stipulated to hold only the  purest of

motives although no proof was forthcoming. Even the denouncement by Mohammed

ElBaradei [the opposition leader with arguably the most prominent international

profile as former head of the UN nuclear watchdog organization] of the council's

proposed constitutional changes as a "dictator's constitution" failed to alter the

tone of coverage – at least until the Muslim Brotherhood had emerged as the clear

winner in that referendum.

Yemen, as a case-in-point is frightening. The formula there for both media and

diplomacy has been "anti-Saleh good" and "pro-Saleh bad," leaving no room for

further due diligence. So when General  Ali Muhsin Al-Ahmar defected from the Saleh

camp it was by definition a good thing. But has anyone bothered to examine Al-

Ahmar's past performances and question whether his ties to Al-Qa'ida are still in-

tact? So much so that it raises the specter of a front man for the international

terrorist organization.

Although the US government professes the war against terror to be a priority among

its concerns in the Middle East,  apparently no one is paying attention to this very

issue in the controversial poverty burdened  Yemen.

What many fail to realize about this general is that his defection may not be

totally related to the call for change advocated by opposition parties and

protestors in the streets. Al-Ahmar has been known to be strongly affiliated with

Al-Qa'ida. According to a 2005 cable by the American ambassador to Yemen Thomas

Krajeski revealed by Wikileaks, Al-Ahmar appears to have amassed a fortune in the

smuggling of arms, food staples, and consumer products.

He is one of what we call in the Arab world a "war prince"-- someone who benefits

from times of conflict.

Signs backing this analysis are already showing in the latest news from the southern

governorate of Abyan where the US had attacked an Al-Qa'ida training camp in 2009.

The camp was allegedly run by Al-Ahmar, yet this point did not seem to resonate with

either US thinkers or Yemeni authority as they dealt with this name.

"It is all about power struggle," cry out activists leading the youth protests in

Change Square as they complain of losing faith in all political parties including

the opposition. They feel that they have been failed by all political entities -

both inside and outside the country.

In fact, the United States was not spared protestors' angst, as bullet shells and

other armament were displayed on television with a sign reading, "Made in USA" and

accompanied by shouts of "the US is killing us."

So what is America's involvement in Yemen? Is it the long standing commitment to

support President Saleh as an ally in the war against terrorism still operative? If

so, is Saleh's friendship and protection of Yemeni leader Abdulmajid Al-Zindani –

frequently on the "Most Wanted Al-Qa'ida" list – problematic?  Or need Saleh answer

for Al-Ahmar's use of jihadis to fight Shiite rebels linked to Iran between 2004 and

2008?

There is more to Yemen than is being reported or discussed in the media and behind

closed doors whether in Washington or Sana'a. The US needs to stay focused and

understand the dynamics of Yemeni politics and the various connections in order to

really address the issue of terrorism. As events continue to unfold and foment, who

is on whose team today seems to be of minimal concern. But the message of the street

rejecting such arbitrariness is becoming louder and far less ambiguous than that of

the politicians. It's that voice that needs to be heard.