That is the capsule issue of the dispute between Time Warner Cable Inc. (NYSE: TWC) and content provider Viacom Inc. (NYSE: VIA), a media conglomerate that owns Spike, TV Land, Nickelodeon, and many other cable networks.
The battle line was called when Time Warner Cable, which operates in some 28 states, made available to subscribers an iPad app that allows them to view some of the cable operator’s shows -- with serious strings attached. First: You need to have a valid Time Warner account. Second: You need to be connected to the Internet via Time Warner WiFi inside your own dwelling. Meet those criteria and just maybe you can watch episodes of Auction Hunters on your iPad.
Except Viacom now has very loudly cried foul. It has filed suit against Time Warner, seeking to block the streaming to the iPad. In the suit, Viacom claims the app will cause “substantial and irreparable injury” to its business.
Time Warner, for its part, has countered that all it wishes to do is deliver content to its subscribers.
The action is unfolding in a US District Court in New York, where Time Warner has sought a “declaratory judgment.”
”We have steadfastly maintained that we have the rights to allow our customers to view this programming in their homes, over our cable systems, without artificial limits on the screens they can use to do so, and we are asking the court to confirm our view," said Marc Lawrence-Apfelbaum, general counsel of Time Warner, in a statement Thursday.
Viacom, meantime, said Time Warner’s actions were “brazen,” and it added that Time Warner was giving customers more content access "without passing along any additional costs to its customers."
One obvious fact: The iPad is only a stalking horse -- the real targets include all other tablets and, of course, all mobile phones capable of handling video content.
And the other obvious fact is that the fight is not what it seems to be.
Viacom doesn’t give a hoot about another screen. It is trying to slit Time Warner’s throat, simple as that.
At bottom, both Time Warner and Viacom are struggling for relevance in an era likely to be marked by a stampede of “cord-cutting,” as media consumers look to sever ties with the cable economy.
And Viacom apparently is eager to throw Time Warner overboard. Probably its plan is to directly stream content to viewers. The reality: It doesn’t need a cable operator anymore -- it already streams a buffet of full episodes via the Internet.
Viacom seems to be digging in for a brutal fight. It has also threatened Cablevision, another big-time cable operator, with litigation over its iPad app. (The Cablevision app, incidentally, delivers content without requiring the viewer to be on an in-house WiFi -- that is, you can be in a motel room in Bakersfield, Calif., watching an ultimate fighting match on Spike, and that’s cool as far as Cablevision goes.)
Call this that classic movie moment when one bad guy sells his former partners in crime down the river.
Pretty clearly, all the cable operators are in a situation reminiscent of what’s destroyed the business models of landline telephone companies -- and how many customers will they have by 2020? And the question on Viacom's mind seems to be whether it, too, is going down with the cable operators.
Viacom seems determined to find a way to survive, even if that means getting ugly with its longtime partners, the cable operators.
Content owners like Viacom, however, need friends -- companies that will align with them to fight off pirates (“the single biggest threat we face as an industry,” said Chris Dodd in his inaugural speech as head of the Motion Picture Association of America).
Who better for a friend than cable operators that genuinely need strong content owners?
2011年4月12日 星期二
6 steps to better data centers
Management of data storage and processing are a part of every business, with a requirement for data centers and IT facilities common across nearly all business types. Data centers provide centralized IT systems, requiring power, cooling, and operational requirements above and beyond typical design parameters. This large density of power and cooling drives the need for continuous improvements; the goal for any system design or redesign should be to optimize performance of existing equipment, and prioritize replacement and reorganization of outdated systems.
This article provides a number of steps to lead the evaluation of an existing facility and proposes targeted improvements for reducing energy use and CO2 emissions into our environment.
Why improve performance of an existing data center? There are several reasons.
Operational enhancement: Improving the performance of data center systems will offer great benefits to the bottom line and allow for greater flexibility in future expansion:
Consider how critical the data center applications and services are to an operation: What will it cost if no one can send e-mail, access an electronic funds transfer system, or use Web applications? How will other aspects of the business be affected if the facility fails?
Greater system dynamics: Assessment of an existing facility will lead to increased integration of all system components. Increasing data processing potential cannot be considered without understanding the implications on cooling and power demand, and the management systems behind the processes. All aspects of the data center system must be looked at holistically to achieve the greatest results.
Compared to similar-sized office spaces, data center facilities typically consume 35 to 50 times the amount of energy in normal operation and contribute CO2 into our environment. Power demand for IT equipment greater than 100W/sq ft is not uncommon, and as we move into the future, the requirement for data storage and transfer capability is only going to rise.
Whether the driver for improvements is overloaded servers, programmed budget, or corporate energy-saving policy, an analysis of the energy use and system management will have benefits for the business. The assessment process should be to first understand where energy is being used and how the system currently operates; then to identify where supply systems, infrastructure, and management of the facility can be optimized.
This article provides a number of steps to lead the evaluation of an existing facility and proposes targeted improvements for reducing energy use and CO2 emissions into our environment.
Why improve performance of an existing data center? There are several reasons.
Operational enhancement: Improving the performance of data center systems will offer great benefits to the bottom line and allow for greater flexibility in future expansion:
Consider how critical the data center applications and services are to an operation: What will it cost if no one can send e-mail, access an electronic funds transfer system, or use Web applications? How will other aspects of the business be affected if the facility fails?
Greater system dynamics: Assessment of an existing facility will lead to increased integration of all system components. Increasing data processing potential cannot be considered without understanding the implications on cooling and power demand, and the management systems behind the processes. All aspects of the data center system must be looked at holistically to achieve the greatest results.
Compared to similar-sized office spaces, data center facilities typically consume 35 to 50 times the amount of energy in normal operation and contribute CO2 into our environment. Power demand for IT equipment greater than 100W/sq ft is not uncommon, and as we move into the future, the requirement for data storage and transfer capability is only going to rise.
Whether the driver for improvements is overloaded servers, programmed budget, or corporate energy-saving policy, an analysis of the energy use and system management will have benefits for the business. The assessment process should be to first understand where energy is being used and how the system currently operates; then to identify where supply systems, infrastructure, and management of the facility can be optimized.
2011年4月10日 星期日
US Overlooks a Sleeper in Yemen
Since unrest began flooding through the Middle East, Western assessments have been
colored by hopes and expectations as much as by the events themselves. Media and
governments alike have waxed near-euphoric in bestowing virtue and righteousness
upon those who break with the incumbent rulers. While great attention is paid to
past infamies, little understanding of successor regimes has been offered. Regarding
Egypt, for instance, a military council was stipulated to hold only the purest of
motives although no proof was forthcoming. Even the denouncement by Mohammed
ElBaradei [the opposition leader with arguably the most prominent international
profile as former head of the UN nuclear watchdog organization] of the council's
proposed constitutional changes as a "dictator's constitution" failed to alter the
tone of coverage – at least until the Muslim Brotherhood had emerged as the clear
winner in that referendum.
Yemen, as a case-in-point is frightening. The formula there for both media and
diplomacy has been "anti-Saleh good" and "pro-Saleh bad," leaving no room for
further due diligence. So when General Ali Muhsin Al-Ahmar defected from the Saleh
camp it was by definition a good thing. But has anyone bothered to examine Al-
Ahmar's past performances and question whether his ties to Al-Qa'ida are still in-
tact? So much so that it raises the specter of a front man for the international
terrorist organization.
Although the US government professes the war against terror to be a priority among
its concerns in the Middle East, apparently no one is paying attention to this very
issue in the controversial poverty burdened Yemen.
What many fail to realize about this general is that his defection may not be
totally related to the call for change advocated by opposition parties and
protestors in the streets. Al-Ahmar has been known to be strongly affiliated with
Al-Qa'ida. According to a 2005 cable by the American ambassador to Yemen Thomas
Krajeski revealed by Wikileaks, Al-Ahmar appears to have amassed a fortune in the
smuggling of arms, food staples, and consumer products.
He is one of what we call in the Arab world a "war prince"-- someone who benefits
from times of conflict.
Signs backing this analysis are already showing in the latest news from the southern
governorate of Abyan where the US had attacked an Al-Qa'ida training camp in 2009.
The camp was allegedly run by Al-Ahmar, yet this point did not seem to resonate with
either US thinkers or Yemeni authority as they dealt with this name.
"It is all about power struggle," cry out activists leading the youth protests in
Change Square as they complain of losing faith in all political parties including
the opposition. They feel that they have been failed by all political entities -
both inside and outside the country.
In fact, the United States was not spared protestors' angst, as bullet shells and
other armament were displayed on television with a sign reading, "Made in USA" and
accompanied by shouts of "the US is killing us."
So what is America's involvement in Yemen? Is it the long standing commitment to
support President Saleh as an ally in the war against terrorism still operative? If
so, is Saleh's friendship and protection of Yemeni leader Abdulmajid Al-Zindani –
frequently on the "Most Wanted Al-Qa'ida" list – problematic? Or need Saleh answer
for Al-Ahmar's use of jihadis to fight Shiite rebels linked to Iran between 2004 and
2008?
There is more to Yemen than is being reported or discussed in the media and behind
closed doors whether in Washington or Sana'a. The US needs to stay focused and
understand the dynamics of Yemeni politics and the various connections in order to
really address the issue of terrorism. As events continue to unfold and foment, who
is on whose team today seems to be of minimal concern. But the message of the street
rejecting such arbitrariness is becoming louder and far less ambiguous than that of
the politicians. It's that voice that needs to be heard.
colored by hopes and expectations as much as by the events themselves. Media and
governments alike have waxed near-euphoric in bestowing virtue and righteousness
upon those who break with the incumbent rulers. While great attention is paid to
past infamies, little understanding of successor regimes has been offered. Regarding
Egypt, for instance, a military council was stipulated to hold only the purest of
motives although no proof was forthcoming. Even the denouncement by Mohammed
ElBaradei [the opposition leader with arguably the most prominent international
profile as former head of the UN nuclear watchdog organization] of the council's
proposed constitutional changes as a "dictator's constitution" failed to alter the
tone of coverage – at least until the Muslim Brotherhood had emerged as the clear
winner in that referendum.
Yemen, as a case-in-point is frightening. The formula there for both media and
diplomacy has been "anti-Saleh good" and "pro-Saleh bad," leaving no room for
further due diligence. So when General Ali Muhsin Al-Ahmar defected from the Saleh
camp it was by definition a good thing. But has anyone bothered to examine Al-
Ahmar's past performances and question whether his ties to Al-Qa'ida are still in-
tact? So much so that it raises the specter of a front man for the international
terrorist organization.
Although the US government professes the war against terror to be a priority among
its concerns in the Middle East, apparently no one is paying attention to this very
issue in the controversial poverty burdened Yemen.
What many fail to realize about this general is that his defection may not be
totally related to the call for change advocated by opposition parties and
protestors in the streets. Al-Ahmar has been known to be strongly affiliated with
Al-Qa'ida. According to a 2005 cable by the American ambassador to Yemen Thomas
Krajeski revealed by Wikileaks, Al-Ahmar appears to have amassed a fortune in the
smuggling of arms, food staples, and consumer products.
He is one of what we call in the Arab world a "war prince"-- someone who benefits
from times of conflict.
Signs backing this analysis are already showing in the latest news from the southern
governorate of Abyan where the US had attacked an Al-Qa'ida training camp in 2009.
The camp was allegedly run by Al-Ahmar, yet this point did not seem to resonate with
either US thinkers or Yemeni authority as they dealt with this name.
"It is all about power struggle," cry out activists leading the youth protests in
Change Square as they complain of losing faith in all political parties including
the opposition. They feel that they have been failed by all political entities -
both inside and outside the country.
In fact, the United States was not spared protestors' angst, as bullet shells and
other armament were displayed on television with a sign reading, "Made in USA" and
accompanied by shouts of "the US is killing us."
So what is America's involvement in Yemen? Is it the long standing commitment to
support President Saleh as an ally in the war against terrorism still operative? If
so, is Saleh's friendship and protection of Yemeni leader Abdulmajid Al-Zindani –
frequently on the "Most Wanted Al-Qa'ida" list – problematic? Or need Saleh answer
for Al-Ahmar's use of jihadis to fight Shiite rebels linked to Iran between 2004 and
2008?
There is more to Yemen than is being reported or discussed in the media and behind
closed doors whether in Washington or Sana'a. The US needs to stay focused and
understand the dynamics of Yemeni politics and the various connections in order to
really address the issue of terrorism. As events continue to unfold and foment, who
is on whose team today seems to be of minimal concern. But the message of the street
rejecting such arbitrariness is becoming louder and far less ambiguous than that of
the politicians. It's that voice that needs to be heard.
2011年4月7日 星期四
Police investigate unusual theft
POLICE are investigating an unusual theft from the grounds of a large house which is
undergoing renovation in a rural village.
A total of 198 plastic tree guards were removed from land behind the detached house
on Leazes Lane, in Wolsingham, sometime between midday on Saturday and 6pm on
Sunday.
The guards are black and about 2ft in height and were being used to protect newly
planted trees and bushes.
Police say they were securely kept in place by bamboo canes and cable ties and could
not have been blown away by the wind.
The items are worth about 50p each and it is thought whoever stole them would try to
sell them as a job lot rather than in small batches.
undergoing renovation in a rural village.
A total of 198 plastic tree guards were removed from land behind the detached house
on Leazes Lane, in Wolsingham, sometime between midday on Saturday and 6pm on
Sunday.
The guards are black and about 2ft in height and were being used to protect newly
planted trees and bushes.
Police say they were securely kept in place by bamboo canes and cable ties and could
not have been blown away by the wind.
The items are worth about 50p each and it is thought whoever stole them would try to
sell them as a job lot rather than in small batches.
2011年4月6日 星期三
Waytek Announces New Push Button Switch With Rubber Boot
Chanhassen, MN, April 6, 2011 – Waytek, Inc., a leading distributor of electrical supplies, has added a new push button electrical switch to the company's wide variety of switches, which including Rocker, Toggle and Battery Disconnect Switches. The new Push Button Switch with Rubber Boot is made by Cole Hersee, and designed to be used to control the opening and closing of doors on trucks, buses and heavy-duty equipment. Cole Hersee has been a pioneer and leader in the development of heavy-duty electrical products for nine decades, and is now a preferred supplier of over 2,000 products and accessories for the vehicle industry.
According to a Waytek spokesperson, the new Push Button Switch with Rubber Boot is a single pole, single throw (SPST) momentary switch with a black rubber boot that covers and protects the face of the switch, making it resistant to dust, dirt, and other particulate matter. This switch is normally in the on position, and turns off momentarily when the plunger is depressed. When the actuating force is removed from the plunger, the switch springs back to the on position. The switch is rated 4 amps at 12 volts DC. The two terminals are nickel-plated brass blades, measuring 2mm by 5mm.
The Push Button Switch with Rubber Boot is International Trucks OEM replacement part 3579984C1. Waytek stock number 44160, Cole Hersee #9006.
Waytek, Inc. is a privately held company which offers quality electrical wiring supplies. With over 6,000 products in stock, Waytek's extensive line includes wire, connectors, electric relays, switches, cable ties, heat shrink and many more wiring accessories.
About Cole Hersee
Cole Hersee is a leading manufacturer of electromechanical, electronic and digital switches and connectors. The company specializes in the Heavy Vehicle industry, fulfilling diversified applications for trucks, off-road, utility, transit, emergency vehicles and boats.
According to a Waytek spokesperson, the new Push Button Switch with Rubber Boot is a single pole, single throw (SPST) momentary switch with a black rubber boot that covers and protects the face of the switch, making it resistant to dust, dirt, and other particulate matter. This switch is normally in the on position, and turns off momentarily when the plunger is depressed. When the actuating force is removed from the plunger, the switch springs back to the on position. The switch is rated 4 amps at 12 volts DC. The two terminals are nickel-plated brass blades, measuring 2mm by 5mm.
The Push Button Switch with Rubber Boot is International Trucks OEM replacement part 3579984C1. Waytek stock number 44160, Cole Hersee #9006.
Waytek, Inc. is a privately held company which offers quality electrical wiring supplies. With over 6,000 products in stock, Waytek's extensive line includes wire, connectors, electric relays, switches, cable ties, heat shrink and many more wiring accessories.
About Cole Hersee
Cole Hersee is a leading manufacturer of electromechanical, electronic and digital switches and connectors. The company specializes in the Heavy Vehicle industry, fulfilling diversified applications for trucks, off-road, utility, transit, emergency vehicles and boats.
2011年4月5日 星期二
Ecuador expels US ambassador after leaked cable
Ecuador ordered the US ambassador out of the country Tuesday in a row over a leaked diplomatic cable which quoted her as saying President Rafael Correa knowingly appointed a corrupt chief of police.
Foreign Minister Ricardo Patino made the announcement a day after summoning Ambassador Heather Hodges to his office for an explanation of the cable, leaked by the whistleblower website WikiLeaks.
Ecuador "has decided to consider the lady persona non grata to the national government, and we have asked that she leave the country," Patino said, adding he hoped "the cordial relations" between the two countries would not be hurt.
In Washington, the State Department said it "deeply" regretted the decision by the South American country.
Hodges is "one of our most experienced and talented diplomats," State Department spokesman Mark Toner said.
"The Department considers her expulsion unjustified," he added, saying US officials were going to examine what options they had now.
In a 2009 cable released by WikiLeaks, the ambassador was quoted as saying Correa had named as police chief general, Jaime Hurtado, a man she said had a reputation for being corrupt. Correa knew of his activities, she alleged.
Hurtado remained in the post from April 2008 to June 2009.
The foreign minister said he told Hodges his government "was surprised and the president was absolutely indignant, and wanted to know the truth about that information."
Patino said Hodges "simply said that this document had been stolen and she had no observation to make, no comment, no clarification," calling her response "absolutely insufficient and unsatisfactory."
He also expressed his concern to the top US diplomat for Latin America, Arturo Valenzuela, before talking to the ambassador.
But he stressed the matter was "the direct responsibility of a person, of the ambassador, and is not an issue that has to do with the US government.
According to the July 2009 cable, Hodges said the embassy had "multiple reports that indicate (Hurtado) used his positions to extort bribes, facilitate human trafficking, misappropriate public funds, obstruct investigations and prosecutions of corrupt colleagues, and engage in other corrupt acts for personal enrichment."
"Some embassy officials believe that President Correa must have been aware of (his activities) when he made the appointment," she added. "These observers believe that Correa may have wanted to have an ENP (national police) chief whom he could easily manipulate."
Ecuador's "irresponsible" expulsion of Hodges "is both whimsical and impulsive, and comes at a great cost to his own people," said Eliot Engel, a Democratic member of the US House of Representatives.
Engel, a senior member of a House subcommittee that deals with Latin America, said Correa "has seriously undermined the possibility" that trade preferences "will be reinstated in the foreseeable future."
"While I expect the United States will respond in kind, I can only hope that this diplomatic dispute will be short-lived," Engel said in a statement.
The Ecuador case was the second involving a US diplomat in Latin America embarrassed by a leaked cable on WikiLeaks.
On March 19, the US ambassador to Mexico, Carlos Pascual, resigned in what Washington said was a move to avoid damage to bilateral ties.
The classified cables depicted the Mexican military leadership as unprepared when President Felipe Calderon deployed thousands of soldiers in a bloody crackdown on drug trafficking in December 2006.
In one of the cables, Pascual said the Mexican navy captured a top drug trafficker with information supplied by US agents, but the Mexican army had failed to act when earlier given the same information.
The cable's assessments contrasted with Calderon's insistence that Mexico was gaining ground over the drug gangs.
Foreign Minister Ricardo Patino made the announcement a day after summoning Ambassador Heather Hodges to his office for an explanation of the cable, leaked by the whistleblower website WikiLeaks.
Ecuador "has decided to consider the lady persona non grata to the national government, and we have asked that she leave the country," Patino said, adding he hoped "the cordial relations" between the two countries would not be hurt.
In Washington, the State Department said it "deeply" regretted the decision by the South American country.
Hodges is "one of our most experienced and talented diplomats," State Department spokesman Mark Toner said.
"The Department considers her expulsion unjustified," he added, saying US officials were going to examine what options they had now.
In a 2009 cable released by WikiLeaks, the ambassador was quoted as saying Correa had named as police chief general, Jaime Hurtado, a man she said had a reputation for being corrupt. Correa knew of his activities, she alleged.
Hurtado remained in the post from April 2008 to June 2009.
The foreign minister said he told Hodges his government "was surprised and the president was absolutely indignant, and wanted to know the truth about that information."
Patino said Hodges "simply said that this document had been stolen and she had no observation to make, no comment, no clarification," calling her response "absolutely insufficient and unsatisfactory."
He also expressed his concern to the top US diplomat for Latin America, Arturo Valenzuela, before talking to the ambassador.
But he stressed the matter was "the direct responsibility of a person, of the ambassador, and is not an issue that has to do with the US government.
According to the July 2009 cable, Hodges said the embassy had "multiple reports that indicate (Hurtado) used his positions to extort bribes, facilitate human trafficking, misappropriate public funds, obstruct investigations and prosecutions of corrupt colleagues, and engage in other corrupt acts for personal enrichment."
"Some embassy officials believe that President Correa must have been aware of (his activities) when he made the appointment," she added. "These observers believe that Correa may have wanted to have an ENP (national police) chief whom he could easily manipulate."
Ecuador's "irresponsible" expulsion of Hodges "is both whimsical and impulsive, and comes at a great cost to his own people," said Eliot Engel, a Democratic member of the US House of Representatives.
Engel, a senior member of a House subcommittee that deals with Latin America, said Correa "has seriously undermined the possibility" that trade preferences "will be reinstated in the foreseeable future."
"While I expect the United States will respond in kind, I can only hope that this diplomatic dispute will be short-lived," Engel said in a statement.
The Ecuador case was the second involving a US diplomat in Latin America embarrassed by a leaked cable on WikiLeaks.
On March 19, the US ambassador to Mexico, Carlos Pascual, resigned in what Washington said was a move to avoid damage to bilateral ties.
The classified cables depicted the Mexican military leadership as unprepared when President Felipe Calderon deployed thousands of soldiers in a bloody crackdown on drug trafficking in December 2006.
In one of the cables, Pascual said the Mexican navy captured a top drug trafficker with information supplied by US agents, but the Mexican army had failed to act when earlier given the same information.
The cable's assessments contrasted with Calderon's insistence that Mexico was gaining ground over the drug gangs.
2011年4月1日 星期五
Turkey cites fear of Pakistani isolation in maintaining diplomatic ties with it
Turkey's attempts to maintain diplomatic ties with Pakistan stemmed from concerns that the latter was becoming increasingly "isolated" on a global scale, but the efforts benefited Turkey as well, according to a January, 26, 2004 cable, classified by Deputy Chief of Mission of the United States Embassy in Ankara Robert Deutsch (13493: confidential).
A January 19-22 visit to Turkey by Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf is described as "heavy on ceremony and warm rhetoric," but lacking in substance. Instead, it appeared "designed to cement ties, which had become testy in 2002, and to avoid controversy," according to the cable, accessed by The Hindu through WikiLeaks.
"The Musharraf visit was another step in cementing relations that became testy in 2002," when Turkish Prime Minister Mustafa Bulent Ecevit, upon "visiting India in April, said it would be impossible for Turkey to support a military regime (in Pakistan)." And, "citing health reasons, Ecevit…canceled a scheduled May visit" to Pakistan, the cable says.
However, upon succeeding Mr. Ecevit, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan "visited Pakistan in June 2003," according to the cable.
According to an unnamed Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, the Government of Turkey "sees the Musharraf government as relatively good, considering Pakistan's internal situation, and does not want to see Pakistan further ‘isolated' internationally," the cable says.
However, Turkey benefited from maintaining the diplomatic ties. "The Musharraf visit appealed to two very different currents in Turkish foreign policy," according to the cable. "For the secular establishment, Musharraf gives the image of a secular authority figure who, at least rhetorically, has taken on religious extremism. For PM Erdogan's [conservative Justice and Development (AK) Party] government, cementing ties with Pakistan gives AK's more pious supporters a greater sense of Islamic solidarity."
Though "public rhetoric from Musharraf and his Turkish interlocutors during the visit repeatedly condemned terrorism and religious extremism," and "Turkey and Pakistan signed an anti-terror cooperation agreement," it may have been more symbolic than anything else, according to the cable.
"If we squeeze Pakistan too much we're afraid we may lose them," the cable quotes Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs South Asia Head Ergin Soner as saying.
This attitude may have led to Mr. Deutsch's assertion, according to the cable, that Turkish and Pakistani officials "apparently skipped over key issues."
Nuclear "non-proliferation was a non-issue in the visit," the cable says, and "public statements during the visit avoided any mention of the subject."
Despite "historically close mil-mil [military-military] ties," according to the cable, "interlocutors gave no sign that the two sides discussed further enhancement."
Instead, the cable says, "economic aspects were the most important," at least according to Pakistani Third Secretary Janbaz Khan, "who did the advance work on the visit."
"Pakistan and Turkey signed three economic agreements during Musharraf's visit," which Mr. Soner hoped would "help pave the way for Turkish construction firms to win major contracts in Pakistan." Mr. Soner complained "that Turkish companies have been shut out and Chinese firms have won contracts instead," according to the cable.
Mr. Khan "said Pakistan is interested in Turkish construction firms, but has been reluctant to hire Turkish firms since an incident in which a Turkish construction firm defaulted on its contracted performance and the Turkish bank guaranteeing the project refused to pay damages," the cable says.
A January 19-22 visit to Turkey by Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf is described as "heavy on ceremony and warm rhetoric," but lacking in substance. Instead, it appeared "designed to cement ties, which had become testy in 2002, and to avoid controversy," according to the cable, accessed by The Hindu through WikiLeaks.
"The Musharraf visit was another step in cementing relations that became testy in 2002," when Turkish Prime Minister Mustafa Bulent Ecevit, upon "visiting India in April, said it would be impossible for Turkey to support a military regime (in Pakistan)." And, "citing health reasons, Ecevit…canceled a scheduled May visit" to Pakistan, the cable says.
However, upon succeeding Mr. Ecevit, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan "visited Pakistan in June 2003," according to the cable.
According to an unnamed Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, the Government of Turkey "sees the Musharraf government as relatively good, considering Pakistan's internal situation, and does not want to see Pakistan further ‘isolated' internationally," the cable says.
However, Turkey benefited from maintaining the diplomatic ties. "The Musharraf visit appealed to two very different currents in Turkish foreign policy," according to the cable. "For the secular establishment, Musharraf gives the image of a secular authority figure who, at least rhetorically, has taken on religious extremism. For PM Erdogan's [conservative Justice and Development (AK) Party] government, cementing ties with Pakistan gives AK's more pious supporters a greater sense of Islamic solidarity."
Though "public rhetoric from Musharraf and his Turkish interlocutors during the visit repeatedly condemned terrorism and religious extremism," and "Turkey and Pakistan signed an anti-terror cooperation agreement," it may have been more symbolic than anything else, according to the cable.
"If we squeeze Pakistan too much we're afraid we may lose them," the cable quotes Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs South Asia Head Ergin Soner as saying.
This attitude may have led to Mr. Deutsch's assertion, according to the cable, that Turkish and Pakistani officials "apparently skipped over key issues."
Nuclear "non-proliferation was a non-issue in the visit," the cable says, and "public statements during the visit avoided any mention of the subject."
Despite "historically close mil-mil [military-military] ties," according to the cable, "interlocutors gave no sign that the two sides discussed further enhancement."
Instead, the cable says, "economic aspects were the most important," at least according to Pakistani Third Secretary Janbaz Khan, "who did the advance work on the visit."
"Pakistan and Turkey signed three economic agreements during Musharraf's visit," which Mr. Soner hoped would "help pave the way for Turkish construction firms to win major contracts in Pakistan." Mr. Soner complained "that Turkish companies have been shut out and Chinese firms have won contracts instead," according to the cable.
Mr. Khan "said Pakistan is interested in Turkish construction firms, but has been reluctant to hire Turkish firms since an incident in which a Turkish construction firm defaulted on its contracted performance and the Turkish bank guaranteeing the project refused to pay damages," the cable says.
訂閱：
文章 (Atom)