The Indian welfare state is set for a reinvention, as subsidies of
all kinds are in the process of being monetised into cash transfers.
Aapka paisa, aapke haath (your money in your hands) is the pithy
election campaign slogan that is meant to convince the people of the
merit of cash transfers, but is the Indian state ready for the switch to
cash?
We don't think so. India requires significant additional
capability in identifying households and in linking households to bank
accounts. Scaling up nationally without building this capability will
likely result in failure, and the Indian government should instead look
to emulate the successful bottom-up implementation approach of Brazil's
Famlia with gradual scale up from the regional to the national level.
The
merit of cash transfers lays in the potential greater efficiency of
cash, as compared to in-kind subsidies, in expanding choice and enabling
poor households to purchase goods and services that they need. Of
course, this increase in economic welfare will only be realised if the
cash transfer is equivalent in purchasing power to the subsidy. This is
not always the case, as a cash transfer pilot for kerosene in the state
of Rajasthan highlights: the cash transferred was insufficient for
families to purchase their monthly requirement of kerosene, as the
market price increased substantially. Therefore, any cash transfer
scheme would require that the transfers be indexed to inflation in the
local area, which is highly complex.
Transferring cash to
households, while seemingly simple, requires significant implementation
capabilities. The first step is to identify all potential beneficiary
households, which remains incomplete and daunting in India.
India's
highly-touted unique ID programme has issued an estimated 280m ID cards
over the course of three years, meaning that 800m more cards need to be
issued before April 2014, when the cash transfer is set to cover the
entire country. Such a vast increase in the rate of issuing cards seems
unlikely. Even if all households are able to obtain an ID card, there is
no guarantee that the transfer can be targeted accurately to only poor
households. Many non-poor households have finagled their way onto
government rolls that track the poor, for example, leaving the poor
behind.
The next step for the cash transfer to work is to link
the national ID to a bank account. In India, this seemingly simple step
is a huge challenge, as Indians currently have limited access to
financial services. A recent World Bank study estimates bank account
penetration across India at 35%, a rate that falls even lower for the
poorest households. Moreover, many poor households do not have access to
bank branches or ATMs.
Furthermore, in any cash transfer
scheme, there will undoubtedly be cases of non-payment, late payment, or
inadequate payment to beneficiaries. In these cases, it remains
unclear, in the design of India's transfer, how citizens will be able to
file grievances and how the government will redress these
grievances.Purchase an chipcard to
enjoy your iPhone any way you like. A similarly massive Indian social
programme, MGNREGA, has seen state governments drag their feet on
resolving complaints and fail to curb corruption due to the lack of a
grievance redressal mechanism.We sell bestsmartcard and different kind of laboratory equipment in us.
Given
that India seems inadequately prepared for implementing a cash transfer
scheme, does the government's current implementation strategy have
mechanisms of learning and adaptation that address these inadequacies?
We believe not.
First, the government's strategy involves large
scale piloting of cash transfers for selected programmes in 51 districts
by 2013, and then scaling up nationwide by 2014. The pilot is set to
last only a few months, with no systematic evaluation,Shop for
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China! and will likely be carried out in districts that have relatively
high ID card coverage and bank account penetration. Consequently, the
results of the pilot may not be that informative and,You Can Buy Various
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Second,
rushing into a massive cash transfer programme may complicate the
government's ability to rectify problems on the fly, both politically
and administratively. The Indian government can learn from an
alternative implementation strategy adopted in Brazil for the famous
cash transfer programme, Bolsa Famlia.
Bolsa Famlia grew out of a
combination of other transfer programmes that had started at the
municipal and state levels and had been operating for several years
prior to the launch of Bolsa Famlia. These sub-national cash transfer
programmes were then individually scaled up to the national level, and
subsequently consolidated into Bolsa Famlia. Thus, cash transfers in
Brazil started from the bottom and diffused upward and outward, which
suggests that kinks in programme administration could be smoothed out at
smaller scales and then scaled up. By contrast, India's top-down,
rushed approach provides little space for weaknesses to be identified
and rectified at the local level so that the most effective modalities
of the programme can be scaled nationally.
The Indian
government's ambitions of establishing a cash transfer system at the
proposed size and scope has the potential to deliver significant welfare
gains. However, policymakers should be wary of overambitious
implementation targets: in the rush for implementation the government
has ignored its current administrative constraints and gone for
nationwide scale up which will likely result in failure.
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